On the following link find the original document and other language versions received from Tseten Samdup Chhoekyapa Representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama Europe’s office in Geneva Switzerland: Downloads.
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10 March 2011
Today marks the 52nd anniversary of the Tibetan people’s peaceful uprising of 1959 against
Communist China’s repression in the Tibetan capital Lhasa, and the third anniversary of the
non-‐violent demonstrations that took place across Tibet in 2008. On this occasion, I would
like to pay tribute to and pray for those brave men and women who sacrificed their lives
for the just cause of Tibet. I express my solidarity with those who continue to suffer
repression and pray for the well-‐being of all sentient beings.
For more than sixty years, Tibetans, despite being deprived of freedom and living in fear
and insecurity, have been able to maintain their unique Tibetan identity and cultural values.
More consequentially, successive new generations, who have no experience of free Tibet, have
courageously taken responsibility in advancing the cause of Tibet. This is admirable, for
they exemplify the strength of Tibetan resilience.
This Earth belongs to humanity and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) belongs to its 1.3
billion citizens, who have the right to know the truth about the state of affairs in their
country and the world at large. If citizens are fully informed, they have the ability to
distinguish right from wrong. Censorship and the restriction of information violate basic
human decency. For instance, China’s leaders consider the communist ideology and its
policies to be correct. If this were so, these policies should be made public with
confidence and open to scrutiny.
China, with the world’s largest population, is an emerging world power and I admire the
economic development it has made. It also has huge potential to contribute to human progress
and world peace. But to do that, China must earn the international community’s respect and
trust. In order to earn such respect China’s leaders must develop greater transparency,
their actions corresponding to their words. To ensure this, freedom of expression and
freedom of the press are essential. Similarly, transparency in governance can help check
corruption. In recent years, China has seen an increasing number of intellectuals calling
for political reform and greater openness. Premier Wen Jiabao has also expressed support
for these concerns. These are significant indications and I welcome them.
The PRC is a country comprising many nationalities, enriched by a diversity of languages
and cultures. Protection of the language and culture of each nationality is a policy of the
PRC, which is clearly spelt out in its constitution. Tibetan is the only language to
preserve the entire range of the Buddha’s teachings, including the texts on logic and
theories of knowledge (epistemology), which we inherited from India’s Nalanda University.
This is a system of knowledge governed by reason and logic that has the potential to
contribute to the peace and happiness of all beings. Therefore, the policy of undermining
such a culture, instead of protecting and developing it, will in the long run amount to the
destruction of humanity’s common heritage.
The Chinese government frequently states that stability and development in Tibet is the
foundation for its long-‐term well-‐being. However, the authorities still station large
numbers of troops all across Tibet, increasing restrictions on the Tibetan people.
Tibetans live in constant fear and anxiety. More recently, many Tibetan intellectuals,
public figures and environmentalists have been punished for articulating the Tibetan people’s
basic aspirations. They have been imprisoned allegedly for “subverting state power” when
actually they have been giving voice to the Tibetan identity and cultural heritage. Such
repressive measures undermine unity and stability. Likewise, in China, lawyers defending
people’s rights, independent writers and human rights activists have been arrested.
I strongly urge the Chinese leaders to review these developments and release these prisoners
of conscience forthwith.
The Chinese government claims there is no problem in Tibet other than the personal
privileges and status of the Dalai Lama. The reality is that the ongoing oppression of the
Tibetan people has provoked widespread, deep resentment against current official policies.
People from all walks of life frequently express their discontentment. That there is
a problem in Tibet is reflected in the Chinese authoritie's failure to trust Tibetans or
win their loyalty. Instead, the Tibetan people live under constant suspicion and
surveillance. Chinese and foreign visitors to Tibet corroborate this grim reality.
Therefore, just as we were able to send fact-‐finding delegations to Tibet in the late 1970s
and early 1980s from among Tibetans in exile, we propose similar visits again. At the same
time we would encourage the sending of representatives of independent international bodies,
including parliamentarians. If they were to find that Tibetans in Tibet are happy, we would
readily accept it.
The spirit of realism that prevailed under Mao’s leadership in the early 1950s led China to
sign the 17-‐point agreement with Tibet. A similar spirit of realism prevailed once more
during Hu Yaobang’s time in the early 1980s. If there had been a continuation of such
realism the Tibetan issue, as well as several other problems, could easily have been solved.
Unfortunately, conservative views derailed these policies. The result is that after more
than six decades, the problem has become more intractable.
The Tibetan Plateau is the source of the major rivers of Asia. Because it has the largest
concentration of glaciers apart from the two Poles, it is considered to be the Third Pole.
Environmental degradation in Tibet will have a detrimental impact on large parts of Asia,
particularly on China and the Indian subcontinent. Both the central and local governments,
as well as the Chinese public, should realise the degradation of the Tibetan environment
and develop sustainable measures to safeguard it. I appeal to China to take into account
the survival of people affected by what happens environmentally on the Tibetan Plateau.
In our efforts to solve the issue of Tibet, we have consistently pursued the mutually
beneficial Middle-‐Way Approach, which seeks genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within
the PRC. In our talks with officials of the Chinese government’s United Front Work
Department we have clearly explained in detail the Tibetan people’s hopes and aspirations.
The lack of any positive response to our reasonable proposals makes us wonder whether these
were fully and accurately conveyed to the higher authorities.
Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as neighbours. It would be
a mistake if our unresolved differences were to affect this age-‐old friendship. Special
efforts are being made to promote good relations between Tibetans and Chinese living abroad
and I am happy that this has contributed to better understanding and friendship between us.
Tibetans inside Tibet should also cultivate good relations with our Chinese brothers and
sisters.
In recent weeks we have witnessed remarkable non-‐violent struggles for freedom and
democracy in various parts of North Africa and elsewhere. I am a firm believer in
non-‐violence and people-‐power and these events have shown once again that determined
non-‐violent action can indeed bring about positive change. We must all hope that these
inspiring changes lead to genuine freedom, happiness and prosperity for the peoples in
these countries.
One of the aspirations I have cherished since childhood is the reform of Tibet’s political
and social structure, and in the few years when I held effective power in Tibet, I managed
to make some fundamental changes. Although I was unable to take this further in Tibet,
I have made every effort to do so since we came into exile. Today, within the framework of
the Charter for Tibetans in Exile, the Kalon Tripa, the political leadership, and the
people’s representatives are directly elected by the people. We have been able to implement
democracy in exile that is in keeping with the standards of an open society.
As early as the 1960s, I have repeatedly stressed that Tibetans need a leader, elected
freely by the Tibetan people, to whom I can devolve power. Now, we have clearly reached the
time to put this into effect. During the forthcoming eleventh session of the fourteenth
Tibetan Parliament in Exile, which begins on 14th March, I will formally propose that the
necessary amendments be made to the Charter for Tibetans in Exile, reflecting my decision
to devolve my formal authority to the elected leader.
Since I made my intention clear I have received repeated and earnest requests both from
within Tibet and outside, to continue to provide political leadership. My desire to devolve
authority has nothing to do with a wish to shirk responsibility. It is to benefit Tibetans
in the long run. It is not because I feel disheartened. Tibetans have placed such faith and
trust in me that as one among them I am committed to playing my part in the just cause of
Tibet. I trust that gradually people will come to understand my intention, will support my
decision and accordingly let it take effect.
I would like to take this opportunity to remember the kindness of the leaders of various
nations that cherish justice, members of parliaments, intellectuals and Tibet Support Groups,
who have been steadfast in their support for the Tibetan people. In particular, we will
always remember the kindness and consistent support of the people and Government of India
and State Governments for generously helping Tibetans preserve and promote their religion
and culture and ensuring the welfare of Tibetans in exile. To all of them I offer my
heartfelt gratitude.
With my prayers for the welfare and happiness of all sentient beings.
The Dalai Lama
10 March 2011